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Victor
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The
Cripple Creek
Strike:
a History of
Industrial Wars
in Colorado,
1903-4-5
By Emma Florence Langdon
pages 66 to 80
THE STRIKE.
The Western Federation of Miners started its fight on these lines August 8, while the men were not officially called out so early the work was going on. President Moyer, of the Western Federation came to the district and held a conference with the district committee of miners. The matter was discussed at length, and the decision reached was to call out all the miners of the Cripple Creek district Monday forenoon of Aug. 10. This was found necessary in order to bring the mills at Colorado City in line on the question of hours and wages in the Standard Reduction company mills. This came as a great disappointment to the business men of the district who had hoped and about concluded that there would be no strike in the mines of the district, but the Federation felt that it needed the assistance of the miners of the district to win the fight and called upon them to take an active part. It was understood that there was no grievance in this district and that the miners here were quite satisfied with conditions but they were obliged, as members of the Western Federation of Miners, to act on the matter.
There were many also who were glad to see the matter come to a square issue, as it had been "hanging fire" for some time, and both the business men and the miners were uneasy as to the continuation of the uncertainties that existed for some time. They, felt that even the worst was better than the continued suspense. They also felt that it would soon be settled permanently and that the miners would not go to work again until it was settled satisfactorily to all. The Western Federation of Miners was well prepared for the fight and had little difficulty in raising the amount of money needed to make the strong fight they have made.
THE CALL.
"All members of the Western Federation of Miners and all employes in and about the mines of the Cripple Creek district are hereby requested not to report for work Monday morning, August 10, 1903, except on properties shipping ore to the Economic mill, the Dorcas mill at Florence and the Cyanide mills of the district. BY ORDER DISTRICT UNION NO. 1."
The foregoing notice expresses concisely the action taken on the night of Aug. 8, by District Union No. 1, of the Western Federation of Miners, upon the return to the district of the committee which attempted to secure from MacNeil the promise that the Standard mill men should be paid the union scale of wages. During the stay of the committee Mr. MacNeil absolutely ignored all requests of its members, leaving the declaration of a strike at the mines their only alternative. The order embraced all miners in the district except those shipping to the Dorcas and Economic mills or to the cyanide mills situated within the district, and called out fully nine-tenths of the miners employed.
Before the order was issued, when it was known what Manager MacNeil's attitude would be, the committee discussed the matter in all its phases with President Moyer and members of the executive committee, and the order was the result of the discussion. Its sweeping character and its workings were thoroughly canvassed and it was regarded by all as being the only means to attain the end. The committee on being asked why they had taken the foregoing action said:
"Manager MacNeil's refusal to treat with us left us nothing to do but to order a strike and in so doing we adopted the only plan which promised certain success. In our proposals to him no mention was made of his failure to re-employ men who went out in the former strike, as he had agreed. We confined ourselves strictly to the question as to whether he was willing to pay the union wages demanded by his striking employes, and when he absolutely refused to do so or to recognize us in any way, our mission was ended."
It was confidently believed and predicted at that date by labor leaders, and hoped by all, that the strike would be of very short duration, though the Federation even at that time stated that they were in every way prepared for a long hard fight if necessary. They considered the question thoroughly before they took the action, and would not have ordered the strike had they not been fully prepared. A prominent official said on being interviewed shortly after the order was issued:
"While the strike just ordered is directed primarily at the unfair Standard mill, it may be regarded as but the precursor of a fight all along the line for an eight-hour day. For months the Federation has been gathering funds from its members and from the friends of unionism all over the globe for such a fight, and it is now determined that the eight-hour day shall prevail throughout its jurisdiction. Should the fight be now precipitated and should extreme measures be necessary, it would not surprise me to see the miners throughout the entire state called out. Such a course would tie up every thing in the state, but it would soon bring the enemies of labor to their senses."
In Victor when it was known positively that the long talked of strike was at our door at last, it was the one topic of conversation. Little crowds gathered here and there and everywhere and discussed the situation. While the necessity for a strike was generally regretted, sentiment, too, was almost unanimously with the miners in their fight for living wages for their fellowmen.
August 11, found the strike in full swing, men at Independence, Ajax, Findley, Vindicator and a score of others had responded to the call and quit work. The Portland at this time was still working, pending a conference to be held the following morning. President Burns was in the district and felt confident that the Portland would not be put under the ban. The committee in charge of the strike held a conference with Mr. Burns August 10, and while no decisive action was taken, it was agreed that the men should continue work at the mine until another meeting should be held August 11, and some course of action decided upon.
President Moyer was in the district giving the strike his personal attention, and on being questioned on the subject said:
"There seems to be no reason for a prolonged struggle, as the Standard mill matter is a small one which should be easily adjusted. It was simply a demand of the union men of this district that their brethren of Colorado City should be paid fair and living wages."
The Woods properties which ship to the Economic mills were not affected by the strike order, and were working as usual. The Deadwood, employing a small force of men, was closed down Aug. 10, but from reasons entirely foreign from the strike. The Gold Coin and the other properties maintained the force employed.
All day August 10 and 11 and until late at night the strike was the sole topic of conversation on the streets. The general view seemed to be a hopeful one—a view which was encouraged by the reports from the railroads that no unusual number of tickets to outside points were being sold. A special effort was made by union officials and union men to avoid friction or trouble of any kind, and the first day of the strike passed quietly without a disturbance. Sheriff Robertson was in Victor on the above date and said: '' Aside from the unusual number of men on the streets he encountered nothing in his rounds in the district which would excite even the slightest apprehension."
Manager Cornish, of the Independence, that was shut down August 10, by reason of the strike, said:
"He did not know what his company would do should the strike continue longer than a few days. That the mine had been employing about 500 men and should he receive orders to resume work with a strike on, he could hardly hope to resume with anything like that number. It would be less expensive to remain closed down than to resume with a fraction of the regular force. For that reason I do not expect an order to resume."
After the men employed on the drainage tunnel were called out, Superintendent Bainbridge, of the El Paso, announced to newspaper men that the tunnel would be pushed to completion, even if he and other officers of the company were obliged to don overalls and run the machines themselves.
Governor Peabody, even so early in the strike as August 11, said: "If an emergency arises I shall be prompt to order out the troops in the Cripple Creek district." He said, however, that he did not apprehend trouble from the striking miners.
It was said at that time that the governor had determined not to move hastily this time, as in the case of the Colorado City strike, and that he would not send troops into the Cripple Creek district until there was a general demand for them.
Manager MacNeil was in the district on August 11, viewing his work. He, however, declined to be interviewed, and refused to answer any and all questions as to the object of his visit.
August 12 found the tie up in the Cripple Creek district complete. The committee was able by that time to reach the mines that they had not been able to reach before. The reader will at once understand that it would be utterly impossible to visit every mine in the district in less than forty-eight hours, but as fast as it could be attended to the men were called out, with the result that on Aug. 12 the El Paso, Golden Cycle, Last Dollar, Modoc, and all that had not been visited at that date walked out. There was hardly a break in the ranks of the Western Federation of Miners to obey the call. The committee and Mr. Burns, president of the Portland, through a false report that had been circulated, failed to come to satisfactory terms to both sides and the 550 men on the Portland were also called out. Mr. Burns addressed the men, reciting his long friendship for them and for organized labor. The men listened respectfully and attentively. But as the committee and Mr. Burns had failed to agree at that time, they went out as ordered to a man. Thus it will be seen that the great industry of the district at the above date was practically at a standstill with the exception of the Woods properties, which at that time were considered fair. By evening of Aug. 12 there were at least 3,000 men out. C. G. Kennison, president of Miners' Union No. 40, of Cripple Creek, said on the night of Aug. 12, that things were progressing nicely and satisfactory to the W. F. M. He and other local officers were busy all day handling the details of the strike. Mr. Kennison stated on that date that ever since the first declaration of the strike the secretaries of the different unions of the district had been kept busy writing receipts for union dues. The announcement of trouble was a forcible reminder to the men that they should see to it that they were in good standing with their unions, and at no time in the history of the district had the payments been so prompt and so large.
Along about August 12 or 13 a meeting of the mine owners and mill managers was held in Victor and was attended by representatives of nearly every property in the district. The existing conditions were discussed at length, but no announcement was made at that date of any decisive action having been taken. A committee was appointed to act for the mine owners in all matters pertaining to the strike.
August 14, 1903, the following article or statement was published by the Mine Owners' Association:
"A general strike has been called on the mines of the Cripple Creek district by the executive heads of the Western Federation of Miners. At the time this strike was called, and, in fact, ever since the settlement of the labor difficulties of 1894, the most entire harmony and good will has prevailed between the employers and the employed in this district. Wages and hours of labor have been satisfactory and according to union standards, and general labor conditions have been all that could be wished.
"Notwithstanding all this, the heads of the Western Federation have seen fit to compel the cessation of all labor in the district, not because of any grievance of their own against the Cripple Creek operators, but for reasons entirely beyond our control. A no more arbitrary and unjustifiable action mars the annals of organized labor, and we denounce it as an outrage against both the employers and the employed.
"The fact that there are no grievances to adjust and no unsatisfactory conditions to remedy, leave the mine operators but one alternative, and that alternative they propose to adopt fearlessly. As fast as men can be secured, our mining operations will be resumed, under former conditions, preference being given to former employes, and all men applying for work will be protected to the last degree.
"In this effort to restore the happy conditions which have existed so long, we ask and confidently count on the co-operation and support of all our former employes, who do not approve the methods adopted, as well as of the business men of the district who are equal sufferers with us.
"In the resumption of operation, preference will be given to former employes, as before stated, and those desiring to resume their old positions are requested to furnish their names to their respective mines at an early date."
The foregoing was signed by about thirty properties.
The mine owners' statement was issued after a conference of the committee appointed at the meeting of the day before and occasioned much comment. The committee was composed of William Bainbridge, of the El Paso, chairman; Samuel Bernard, of the Elkton; J. S. Murphy, of the Findley; Charles Aldron, of the Last Dollar; Thomas Cornish, of the Independence; C. C. Hamlin and A. E. Carlton.
Just what the mine owners expected to gain by the foregoing statement is hard to understand.
Their statement would indicate that the Federation was composed only of the miners in this district; that it began and ended here. They forgot during the time of writing their statement that the Western Federation of Miners has hundreds of members outside of the state of Colorado as well as in it. There would be just as much folly in the miners of this district going alone as it would for the mine owners of one of these hills, exclusive of a united organization, such as they have here now, making their fight alone. The Western Federation of Miners extends beyond this district and when its members need help at Colorado City, or any where else, it is the duty of the members here to go to the assistance, and the mine owners know that as well as they know that there is an organization. The members of the Federation at Colorado City were entitled to just as much protection there as they are here or elsewhere and there was, therefore, no mystery about the strike that needed any explanation to the people of the Cripple Creek district, although an effort was made by outside newspapers to create that impression. Up to August 15, the Mine Owners' Association had held two meetings in Victor, at least, they held one and their committee another. Does any one propose to claim that if they had devoted the same length of time with Charles MacNeil that they would not have succeeded in causing him to meet the wages of his competitors at Colorado City? What was the difference between the fight that began in August and the one that was made last spring? It was the same identical fight with the exception that we had the failure of Mr. MacNeil to keep his former promise with the Federation in reinstating men and paying wages.
The mine owners' statement is the usual corporate appeal to union strikers, when making a stand for justice, or fair conditions, to renounce their union, (the only protection that the wage earner has under the present system of corporate rule), and return to work under armed protection of the professional deputy thugs and corporation vassals. It is needless to say that the union man stood firm and true to his obligation and hurled back in the face of the would-be bribers, the offer to sell his manhood for corporation gold. The position taken by the Mine Owners' Association, that the strike was a sympathetic one, is known to all, whether members of the Federation or not, to be untrue and only those who had given little or no thought to the subject would give publication over their signature to such shallow argument. There was no disposition on the part of the membership of the Western Federation of Miners to depreciate the spirit of fairness shown by some of the mine operators of the district in the past, and they held only the kindest regard for them. But the Mine Owners' Association in their statement would have the members of organized labor, as well as the public, believe that they, the miners, were being coerced by their officers to take part in an unjust and unreasonable strike. This, however, was too flimsy to be taken seriously by any members of the W. F. M.
August 14, the Victor Daily Record became the official organ of the local unions of the Western Federation of Miners. From that date it contained several columns of information concerning conditions of the strike over the signature of the executive committee of District Union No. 1. In this manner, there was given out daily all official news in the district concerning all matters pertaining to the strike.
If the reader will go back a few years, or to 1898, we will find the legislature elected in '98 which convened early in '99 passed an eight hour law. It will be remembered that Thomas was the governor at that time (Democrat) and Gary, lieutenant governor. There was a strong labor constituency in the legislature of 1899. As will also be remembered, the supreme court later declared the law unconstitutional. But the laboring people did not give up the matter of making an eight-hour law at this, but at once put a move on foot to send legislators to the legislature to frame an amendment to the constitution, thereby making possible the creation of an eight-hour law. This was accomplished. In 1900 the amendment was framed, which was one of six others. Orman was at that time governor and D. C. Coates lieutenant governor. The amendment was put before the people and although a Republican ticket was elected, the people of the state declared themselves in favor of the eight-hour law by the astonishing majority of over 46,000.
All residents in this state know the history of the attempt to pass such a law in the Fourteenth General Assembly and they realize that there is no hope for such a measure, at least, until another legislature is elected and possibly then the law passed would be tied up in the courts for an indefinite length of time. There is, therefore, no opportunity for an eight-hour day except through the force of organization.
About August 13, the rumor to the effect that the merchants of the district were going on a strictly cash basis was confirmed by the majority of the grocers refusing to supply their regular customers as usual. This came as an unexpected blow to the miners, as pay day was but two or three days past and many had turned over to the business men the greater part, if not all, of their cash, with the expectation and in many cases the promise of being carried on another month as usual. There were some exceptions but they were very few.
The miners met this announcement by at once starting a move to organize co-operative stores. The movement was carried out in a few weeks by the Western Federation of Miners in the establishment of union stores in Cripple Creek, Anaconda, Victor and Goldfield. From the day they opened the trade was more than could be conveniently handled. In brief, the union stores have been more than a success, and have proven a great competition for the grocers that refused to carry the families that had paid them almost a fortune in the past for groceries and other household supplies. The ease with which all arrangements were made to start and maintain these stores and the great saving that has and will accrue therefrom, leads union men to think that the action of the business men, in cutting off the credit to their customers, was a blessing in disguise, and they owe the business men a vote of thanks for teaching them this lesson of self-reliance in time of trouble.
August 15, the miners' unions gave a big picnic at Pinnacle park which was attended by a multitude. Regardless of the fact that thousands were out of employment at the time, everybody seemed to thoroughly enjoy the day. President Moyer, of the Western Federation of Miners, John C. Sullivan, president of the Colorado State Federation of Labor, William D. Haywood, secretary-treasurer of the Western Federation of Miners and D. C. Copley, member of the executive board of the Western Federation of Miners and other prominent labor leaders attended the picnic and made addresses.
Mr. J. C. Sullivan was first introduced to the audience and said in part, after excoriating the business men for their action in declaring no more credit would be given their customers so soon after the strike was called:
"The business man is prosperous with the money he puts in his till received from the miner, but immediately upon the first cloud of trouble showing on the horizon, he cuts the miners off without notice, at the behests of mine managers. Are they worthy of any consideration at the hands of the miner? Would it not have been better if the business men had said to the men who had traded with them and paid their bills for years to have said to their customers: 'Our finances will not permit us to carry you, but we will sell goods at cost price for cash.' "
After paying his respects to the Citizens' Alliance and Pinkerton thugs, he closed with the remarks:
"It is time the laboring men thought about more than wages and hours."
President Moyer was the next speaker. He was greeted with prolonged applause. He said in part:
"The responsibility for the present conditions has been laid by most of the newspapers at my door. I wish to say that I am ready at this time to assume any responsibility in a fight for humanity and living conditions for the miners of the Cripple Creek district. All I ask is that the other people in the state, who are responsible for the present conditions in this district, shall be saddled with like responsibility. The facts are that the legislature of 1899 passed an eight-hour bill, the supreme court declared it class legislation and unconstitutional. Notwithstanding this, the representatives of organized labor went before the men who were working twelve hours in the smelters and urged them to wait, and a future legislature would do something for them. The eight-hour constitutional amendment was carried by 40,000 majority, 70,000 votes being cast for the amendment. The Fourteenth Colorado legislature went into session pledged to the enactment of an eight-hour day. The representatives of the mill and smelter trusts went into session with them. The result was no law was passed. Upon this legislature I place the responsibility for the present trouble. Had this legislature performed its duty there would now be no strike in the Cripple Creek district. * * *
"A small per cent of the press has been clamoring that this is a sympathetic strike. This I most emphatically deny. It is a strike of the Western Federation of Miners. The mill men are a part of the Federation, and to deny them support at this time is the same as denying one of the unions here support should it be attacked by a corporation. The men have pledged themselves to support their brothers of the Federation and they will do it." * * *
The next speaker introduced was William D. Haywood, who addressed the audience in part as follows:
"Ladies and Gentlemen, Brothers of the Western Federation of Miners, Members of the Citizen's Alliance, Members of the Mine Owners' Association and Pinkerton Detectives:"
(He said he desired to include all, as he knew all were in the audience and he mentioned the latter as he held them responsible for the strike.)
"The Federation was born by oppression of the mine owners, which had sometimes been worse than the Spanish Inquisition. The Federation has now more thousands of members than it had hundreds in 1893, having at this time 207 affiliated unions.
"The laws of Colorado are good enough for a union man but they are not good enough for the corporations, else they would not spend a fortune to corrupt every legislature that is elected." * * *
Mr. Haywood ridiculed the statement of the mine owners to the effect that they would start the mines if they had to work themselves. He said the miners would give them their cast-off overalls to work in. The statement of the mine owners, that affairs in this district had been all that was asked for since 1894, Mr. Haywood denied. He said discrimination had been practiced against the union miners on the Strong, Ajax, El Paso, Gold King and other mines, that the owners had never lived up to their agreement made at that time. He cited the union conditions that existed in some union camps where all union men are employed. "Why," he asked, "can not the same conditions prevail here?" He illustrated his remarks with several humorous stories that fit the cases and concluded with an earnest appeal to the miners to be loyal to the organization, "which is the only friend you have against corporate oppression.''
W. F. Davis, president of Free Coinage Miners' Union No. 19, and a member of the committee of District Union No. 1, was next introduced. Mr. Davis was one of the committee who waited upon Mr. MacNeil at Colorado Springs before the strike was called. He said Mr. MacNeil had stated that he (MacNeil) thought eight hours was long enough for any man to work in a mill or smelter and that $1.80 was not enough for a single man to live on, saying nothing of married men. MacNeil said, however, that he could do nothing for the committee, as his company would not permit it. Mr. D. C. Copley was the last speaker. He said in part:
"I have been a resident of this district for the past eight years and can, therefore, sympathize with the men in this strike. The strike Is being managed by the men whom the miners have elected for that purpose. * * * I am confident that the men I have known for the past eight years will not go back on the Federation and all that is necessary to be done is for the men to stand shoulder to shoulder and we will win the victory." * * *
I would be glad to give each address verbatim, but space will not permit. The talks by all were good and to the point.
August 17, the beginning of the second week of the strike opened very quietly. It had been rumored that a number of mines intended starting up on Monday of the second week. However, no men attempted to go to work on any of the mines where the men had been called off or at the El Paso drainage tunnel, that was nearly completed at that time. It was understood that several tools of the corporations, at that time had been endeavoring to hire men to "scab" on the properties, but the parties were carefully watched, and their efforts were in vain. There was no trouble of any kind, everything around the mines being quiet. The city of Victor was never known to be so quiet, as it was during the first three weeks of the strike. There was absolutely "nothing doing." Groups of union miners stood about on the corners in the sunshine, laughing, talking, joking each other good naturedly, telling experiences of past strikes and troubles. As far as business was concerned, the last of August found business practically at a standstill.
The El Paso mine management, being the most aggressive in the fight against organized labor, by indefatigable efforts secured enough men, composed of a few deserters from the union ranks, inexperienced men, men unfamiliar with the strike situation, and men gathered from the too large ranks of hangers-on of various resorts, whose debt to humanity and the welfare of a community consists of the vapid and rancorous plea, "the world owes me a living'' without hard work, inclusive of a few reform school graduates, by August 20, announced they would commence work.
Among the distinguished members that were employed on the El Paso, were to be found such celebrities in the criminal history of the state as the Gibson brothers, who had just returned from a sojourn in the state's institution at Canon City, for wholesale robbery and holdups. They had been residents of Canon City (against their will) for five years and returned on parole to help break the strike. Another gentleman (?) with a criminal record that was of invaluable service to the association was Frank Vannick, who had also served the state with distinguished dishonor to himself at Canon City, and was also at large on parole. (The reader will learn more of Vannick before my story ends.) Dumps Benton, Esq., the man who killed George Potts, is still another in the galaxy of notables that was engaged to guard the slopes of Beacon hill against a mythical foe that existed only in the putrid imagination of a few prejudiced and misguided men.
The El Paso fiasco was the first blot upon the history of the strike.
The first work of the men I have mentioned as employed on the El Paso was to build a fence around the property. It was said the men were formerly employed on the Gold King mine. It was also said, by people in a position to know, that in order to get even that class of men to work, the El Paso company paid them at the rate of $1.00 an hour. The first twelve non-union men were guarded by seventeen imported men, worse, if possible, than the ones employed to build the fence. The guards carried rifles and upon inquiry at the sheriff's office, it was found that none of the men had been deputized to carry arms, and were doing so and holding up people whose business caused them to pass by the mine, in open violation of the law.
It is a sad commentary on human nature, that there are always some parodies for men who are ready and willing to sell themselves for gold.
From the date given, when the first non-union men began the work of building a fence at the El Paso, until the completion of the El Paso tunnel, Sept. 2, 1903, there were enacted at the mine many disgraceful scenes of lawlessness. Guards at the mine had fights among themselves; insulted passers-by; stopped respectable people that had business to pass that way, at the point of rifles. They were, it was said, caught stealing. They made indecent exposures before innocent children; for which some of the men employed were arrested. The home of Mr. Dennison, a union miner, was destroyed by incendiaries on the night of Sept. 2, and while it was not proved positively, that it was the work of the El Paso crew, the evidence was strong against them. If they did not actually light the fire that destroyed the property, they, at least, made plain the fact that they were glad to see Mr. Dennison and family made homeless. While the house was in flames and the work of saving some of the household goods was in progress, the guards stood by and laughed and jeered. They did not offer to assist the unfortunate people. For that reason, I say if they were not instrumental in the burning of the building, at any rate, they made no secret of their joy at the sight of Dennison's home being in flames.
It was good union men who had made it possible for these men to enjoy the benefits of union hours and wages without contributing to bring them about. The English language does not contain expletives sufficiently strong to express the contempt felt by all true men and women for such persons. The history of the world proves that all momentous occasions has produced their heroes and traitors. The American revolution gave us a Washington and a Benedict Arnold. The Benedict Arnolds had appeared so early in the fight, and as the fight went on there were others appeared on the field of battle.
Along about August 21, there was brought to light a dastardly plot to blow up the El Paso. Fortunately it was reported to the executive committee of District Union No. 1 in ample time who, upon investigation, found that no guards had been posted at shaft house No. 2, and this, coupled with other suspicious circumstances, caused them to promptly notify Sheriff Robertson of the facts in the case, and the necessary measures were taken by him to stop the commission of the dastardly outrage.
Constant vigilance was displayed by the executive committee of District Union No. 1 to see that no overt act of any kind should be committed by the strikers, that no chance should be given the mine owners for a pretext for a call for the troops from a too willing tool they had in the present governor of the state.
On the evening of August 19, the executive committee received information of a "job" put up by the Mine Owners' Association to destroy some of their own property and thus have the needed excuse for a call for troops. The diabolical crime proposed, as reported to District Union No. 1, was for the shaft house No. 2, of the El Paso to be blown up by some of the leading members of the association, and, of course, the union men were to be charged with the crime.
The foregoing rumor and a few similar reports were the only incidents of interest at that date. There were many rumors of all kinds of mines that were to start up and of men working here or there, but when investigated it was found there were no mines ready to resume. With the exception of the men on the El Paso, there were no mines that the strike affected working at that time.
The city council met on the night of August 20 and dispensed with one of the city's regular policemen. As I have just stated, the next thing of any interest to the reader that occurred was on August 22, when there was a settlement brought about between the executive committee and the Portland management.