CONTENTS

Preface

PART I — THE STRIKE OF 1894

CHAPTER I — PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
Introduction

Cripple Creek — Location, geology, settlement — General economic conditions in 1894 — Conditions in Colorado and Cripple Creek in 1894

Indirect Causes Of The Strike

Uncertain business conditions — Irregularities in employment of labor

Events Leading Up To The Strike

CHAPTER II - THE TWO CRISES
The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise — The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 — The strike Feb. 7th — John Calderwood — Preparation by the unions — The injunction of March 14th — Capture of the deputies — Sheriff Bowers calls for militia — Beginning of friction between state and county — Conference between the generals and union officers — Recall of the militia — Compromise at the Independence

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element — The coup of Wm. Rabedeau — The demands and terms of the owners — Formation of the deputy army — "General" Johnson — Preparation of the miners for resistance — First detachment of deputy army — The blowing up of the Strong mine — The miners attack the deputies — Excitement in Colorado Springs — Rapid increase of deputy army — The governor's proclamation

CHAPTER III — THE FORCING OF THE ISSUE
Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs — The non-partisan committee — The miners propose terms of peace — Failure of the arbitration committee plan — Exchange of prisoners — The mission of Governor Waite — Miners give governor full power to act — The conference at Colorado College — Attempt to lynch Calderwood — The final conference in Denver — Articles of agreement

Militia vs. Deputies

The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek — Attempts upon life of sheriff — Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs — The attack upon General Tarsney — Arrests and trials of the strikers

CHAPTER IV-DISCUSSIONS
Peculiarities Of The Strike

The union allows men to work — Exchange of prisoners — Unusual influence of state authority

Arguments Of The Various Parties

The position of the mine owners — The position of the miners — The position of the governor

The Baleful Influence Of Politics

PART II—THE STRIKE OF 1903—1904

CHAPTER I—THE INTERVENING PERIOD
General Development

Increase in population and wealth — Industrial advance — Removal of frontier conditions — Entire dependence upon mining — The working force

The Background For The Strike

Divisioning of El Paso county — Growth of unions in political power — Western Federation becomes socialistic

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

Unions misuse power — Treatment of non-union men — Minority rule — The strike power delegated

CHAPTER II—THE COLORADO CITY STRIKE
The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City — The governor visits Colorado City — Conference at Denver — Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills — Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill — The strike called — Advisory board — Its sessions — Further conferences — Settlement by verbal agreement

CHAPTER III — THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE
The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement — Appeal of the union — Statements submitted by both sides — Decision of advisory board — Second strike at Colorado City — Strike at Cripple Creek

The First Period Of The Strike

Events of the first three weeks — Disorderly acts on September 1st — Release of Minster — Mine owners demand troops

The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners — The special commission — Troops called out — Militia arrest union officers — Other arrests — General partisan activity of the troops

Civil, vs. Military Authority

Habeas corpus proceedings — Militia guard court house — Judge Seeds' decision — The militia defy the court — Prisoners released — Rapid opening of the mines — Strike breakers

CHAPTER IV-TELLER COUNTY UNDER MILITARY RULE
Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R. R. trains — McKinney and Foster arrested — McKinney makes conflicting confessions — Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster — Digest of evidence — Release of McKinney — The Vindicator explosion — Evidence in case

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation — The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers — Local police deposed — Censorship of Victor Record — Registering of arms — Idle men declared vagrants — More general arrests of union officers — Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole — Rowdyism by certain militiamen — Mine owners' statement — Federation flag posters — Withdrawal of troops

CHAPTER V—THE FINAL CRISIS
The Slxth Day Of June

Independence station explosion — Wrath of the community — Sheriff forced to resign — Bodies taken from undertaker — Mass meeting at Victor — The Victor riot — Militia capture miners'' union hall — Wholesale arrests of union men — Riot in Cripple Creek — Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and Citizens Alliance — The federation to be broken up

The Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule — Plant of Victor Record wrecked — Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials — The military commission — Deportations — Militia close the Portland mine — Aid to families forbidden — District entirely non-union — Withdrawal of troops

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations — The Interstate Mercantile Company — Second wrecking of the stores — The November elections — The expense of the strike — Summary

CHAPTER VI—DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Western Federation Of Miners. Its Side Of The Case

History of the federation — Its socialistic tendencies — Sympathetic statement of its position

The Mine Owners' Association. Its Side Of The Case

History of the organization — The card system — Sympathetic view of its position

The Citizens Alliances. Their Side Of The Case

History of the alliances — Sympathetic view of their position

The State Authorities

Statement by Governor Peabody

The Responsibility And Blame — The Western Federation Of Miners

Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike

Mine Owners' Association

Criminal guards — Mob violence

The State Authorities

Use of troops — Perversion of authority

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The "Red Book" — The "Green Book."

Comparison Of The Two Strikes

The first natural, the second artificial — Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development — Contrasts in the use of state authority — Civil and military authority — Politics — Minority rule

Significance Of The Labor History

Bibliography

The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District;
A Study in Industrial Evolution
by Benjamin McKie Rastall

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pages 37-44

CHAPTER III

The Forcing Of The Issue

Attempt At Arbitrition

During the exciting events of these few days, a quiet movement had been started in Colorado Springs aiming at a compromise. To the more conservative and thoughful [sic] citizens the situation at Bull Hill seemed one of grave concern. Should the two bodies of armed men that stood face to face, constantly augmenting their numbers, and becoming daily more deeply embittered against each other, come into conflict, the loss of life, terrible as it might be, would be but the beginning of the disasterous [sic] results that would follow. Everything possible, it was felt, must be done to prevent a clash. Could the two sides be induced to hold a conference, the seriousness of the situation would tend to force both to make concessions, and a compromise might be effected. But how get the two factions together? Some man must be found willing to undertake the work who was well known, whose neutrality would be trusted by both sides, and who would have no interest in subordinating the main object of his work to political ends of his own. He must be a man, moreover, who would be willing to take some personal hazard in the matter, for judging from the reports that had come to Colorado Springs, an outsider who should attempt to go on Bull Hill would take his life in his hands.

The movement resulted in a call upon President Sloeum, of Colorado College, by J. J. Hagerman, one of the most prominent and conservative of the mine owners, with the request that President Slocum go to Bull Hill as a neutral party, to see what the attitude of the miners would be toward an arbitration committee. President Sloeum would be authorized to say that the mine owners were willing to meet the miners in such committee, and to make some concessions toward a compromise. After some discussion the president agreed to go. The Rev. E. Evans Carrington, who was well known as a friend of organized labor, also several members of the Colorado Springs labor unions, were asked to accompany Dr. Slocum.

The party left Colorado Springs late Saturday evening, May 26th, arriving in Cripple Creek early Sunday morning. Communication was held with President Calderwood over the telephone, and then the party started out on foot for Altman. As they arrived at the foot of Bull Hill a sentry stepped from behind a rock, and with levelled [sic] Winchester, and the cry '' Hands up!" brought them to a standstill. Upon learning their names and business the sentry said he had instructions to pass them, and proceeded to conduct them to Altman and the headquarters of the union.

At headquarters the party was met by President Calderwood, who took President Slocum into his office immediately for a conference. Dr. Slocum stated that he came representing no one in particular, but the people of the county in general, to see if some arrangement could not be made to arbitrate the present difficulty. Mr. Calderwood replied that arbitration was one of the cardinal principles of the union, that the union had been willing to come to a compromise all along, and was still willing to do so. Dr. Slocum then asked what conditions they thought they ought to have in a settlement. Mr. Calderwood replied that the men felt that they should have an eight-hour day and a three-dollar wage, and upon Dr. Slocum bringing up the question, added the clause that there should be no discrimination between union and non-union men. The question of a committee was then discussed, and it was practically decided that two representatives of the union should meet two representatives of the mine owners somewhere on neutral ground, and that these four should appoint a fifth, the committee to have authority over the questions in dispute.

Some further conversation ensued, and then Mr. Calderwood invited President Slocum to address the miners. Upon his acceptance of the invitation, runners were sent out through the camp, and soon between three and four hundred men were gathered. To them President Slocum spoke for about an hour, advising them to meet the mine owners half way in the proposed compromise; calling upon them to respect the laws of the state, and pointing out that an armed resistance of the authorities could only end finally in disaster to themselves. Mr. Carrington and Mr. Collais also made brief addresses.

There were still some effects of the over-abundance of whiskey visible among the men, and some of them were in an ugly humor. So much so that Mr. Calderwood had some fears for the safety of Dr. Slocum while making his address.1 The party, however, left Altman undisturbed, and returned immediately to Colorado Springs.

On Monday afternoon Mr. Hagerman called President Calderwood by telephone to discuss matters pertaining to the arbitration committee. The miners had held a meeting in the meantime, however, and instructed their president to consent to the committee only on condition that the mine owners should previously agree that union men be given preference in employment at the mines. Upon this condition being communicated to Mr. Hagerman, he replied that the mine owners would never consent to such a condition, and so the attempt to secure a compromise failed.

Later in the day a remarkable event took place on the mesa below Altman. It will be remembered that the deputies had taken five prisoners in the battle near Wilbur; also that in retaliation the miners had imprisoned the three men taken from the Strong mine. President Slocum, while at Altman, had arranged for the exchange of the three men for the five imprisoned miners, and Monday afternoon the exchange took place. A deputy sheriff came up from Colorado Springs with the five miners; one of the union officers came down from Altman with their three prisoners; and meeting in a prearranged spot, the exchange took place with all the military formality of war. This is probably the only instance of a strike in which rights of belligerency were recognized, and a formal exchange of prisoners made.

The Mission Of Governor Waite

Governor Waite had been closely following events at Cripple Creek. For a week his private secretary, Michael Lorentz, had been in the district making thorough investigations and reporting daily by telephone. Upon the failure of the proposed committee of arbitration pressure was brought to bear on the governor and he finally decided to see what influence his presence at the seat of difficulty would have toward a settlement. He accordingly telephoned the miners of his intended visit and wish to confer with them, and went into the district on the afternoon of May 30th.

The same afternoon a heavy rain and snow storm settled down upon the Cripple Creek District. A few hours of the storm closed the railroads by landslides and cloudbursts, and broke down every telegraph and telephone line, isolating the district completely from the rest of the world for a period of four days.

In Colorado Springs this was a period of great anxiety. The number of deputies at Camp Divide was known to have reached nearly a thousand. They were supposed to be about ready for an attack upon the miners, and news of a terrible battle was expected daily. All sorts of terrifying rumors filled the air. A mass meeting of citizens on the evening of the 30th decided that the city was in danger from the lawless element, and called for volunteers for a "Home Guards" organization to protect the city. About one hundred fifty men came forward, and Were formed into squads which patrolled the outskirts of the city night and day. A Woman's Relief Association was formed, to prepare medicines and bandages, and make plans to care for the wounded in the coming conflict. A 4-11 alarm on the fire bell was arranged for as a danger signal. A wild report caused the alarm to be sounded one night. The Home Guards turned out in mass, and every other able bodied man who could find a weapon followed, and the city was in an uproar until morning.

At the deputy camp the days passed in quiet preparation. Strict military discipline prevailed. The men were comfortably housed in huts built of railroad ties and in box cars. Pickets were posted in all directions to guard against surprise. There was daily drill and instruction in tactics. As soon as the storm ceased and the roads were open there would be enough men for the forward move, and the men waited eagerly for the time.

The effects of the storm were most severe at the miners' camp on Bull Hill, and the fortitude of the men through the days of snow and rain gave conclusive proof of their determination. Strict military discipline was in force here also. There was daily drill, and a daily session of court martial. The men were fed at the army boarding houses, supplied by the commissary department. Every few minutes throughout the day an aide left "General" Johnson's headquarters with orders for some part of the camp. The picket system was perfect; every road was guarded for miles around Bull Hill.

Governor Waite got into Altman ahead of the storm, and immediately held a conference with the union. In a lengthy speech he promised the men his friendship and help in settling their difficulties. At the same time he demanded that they cease their violent opposition to law, and appoint a committee to confer with the mine owners relative to a compromise. The union elected the Governor and President Calderwood a committee with absolute power to act for them in a settlement, and on the day following they left for Colorado Springs.

The condition of the roads was such that the trip to Colorado Springs occupied three days. The party had to walk all but fourteen miles of the distance to Florence. Then the tracks were found to be washed out between Florence and Pueblo, and a long detour had to be made through La Junta. Finally, about noon, June 2nd, the train bearing Governor "Waite and Mr. Calderwood pulled in at the Denver and Rio Grande station at Colorado Springs. Word of their coming had been telegraphed

ahead to Mr. Hagerman, and arrangements made for a conference at Colorado College in the afternoon.

At 3 o 'clock the conference met in the society room of Palmer Hall—now the hall of Cutler Academy. Governor Waite, acting for the miners, and J. J. Hagerman, for the mine owners, discussed the question formally. Besides these two gentlemen there were present President Slocum, of the college; Judge Lunt, W. S. Jackson, and a number of others.

Mr. Hagerman opened with a statement of the difficulty, and the attitude of the mine owners toward it. Governor Waite spoke urging that the trouble be settled in some way, and ended by setting forth the conditions under which the miners were willing to return to work. These conditions were, briefly:2

1. An eight-hour working day for which $3.00 should be paid.

2. None but union men to be employed.

3. No one to be prosecuted for any act committed during the strike.

To the first proposition Mr. Hagerman replied that it would be conceding all that the miners had originally struck for, and would be no compromise. Concerning the second, he said that he would never be a party to an agreement that militated against the right of any American citizen to take work whereever he could find it. Regarding the third, he said it was inconceivable that the governor of the state should object to the law taking its course, and that in any event that was a matter for the El Paso County authorities, not the committee, to decide. The argument finally narrowed to the matter of the employment of non-union men, and waxed warmer and warmer, the governor especially becoming greatly excited and using the strongest kind of language. Three hours had passed and nothing was yet accomplished, when word suddenly came to the conference that the building was surrounded by armed men, and that the campus was rapidly filling.

News that Calderwood had come to the city with the governor spread rapidly through the city in the early afternoon, and everywhere groups of men discussed the possibility of his being arrested while under the protection of the governor. The newspapers of the Springs had blamed Mr. Calderwood with everything real and imaginary that had happened recently at Cripple Creek, and feeling against him was running high. Such a chance to get hold of him it was felt ought not to be let go by. Some hothead suggested that if the law could not reach him the people could, and declaring that he would shoot him on sight, started off with his gun for Palmer Hall. Others, among them several prominent citizens of the city, followed his example, and soon there was a string of armed men hastening toward the college. Excitement became intense. Downtown on the street corners men harangued the ever-increasing crowds. The cry went up to lynch Calderwood and the governor, too; and being taken up was repeated on all sides. Self restraint was thrown to the winds and there was a general rush for the college campus.

At Palmer Hall word was sent in that the building was surrounded, and that two or three men were even in the hall declaring that they would shoot Calderwood when he came out. There was a hurried adjournment, followed by a rapid making of plans. Judge Lunt stepped out on the porch and began an impassioned speech to the crowd on the terrible disgrace they would bring upon the city if they should lynch President Calderwood, and especially if they committed any overt act against the governor. While he held their attention, the governor, with Mr. Calderwood on one side and Private Secretary Lorentz on the other, slipped quietly out at the rear door, and hurried across the campus to the cab which was waiting for them. They were driven to the depot, where the governor's private train was waiting for them with steam up, and soon after pulled out for Denver. Just before the train left Colorado Springs, the governor had word from the mine owners, finally rejecting the propositions offered by him for the miners at the afternoon conference.3

Two days later Mr. Hagerman went to Denver, and in company with David H. Moffatt, had another conference with Governor Waite. At this conference Messrs. Hagerman and Moffatt acceded to the demand of the miners for an eight-hour day, and three-dollar wage, specifying that the men should lunch on their own time. Governor Waite, on his part, withdrew the demands for employment of union men only, and for no prosecutions, and articles of agreement were drawn up. As there was no definite organization among the mine owners, Messrs. Hagerman and Moffatt could, of course, sign the agreement only for themselves. It was understood, however, that they virtually represented the mine owners, and that the other men would stand by their agreement. The following days proved this to be true.

The articles of agreement were as follows.4

"For the purpose of settling the serious difficulties between employers and employees in Cripple Creek Mining District, El Paso County, Colo., it is agreed by and between Governor Davis H. Waite, appointed by and representing the Free Coinage Miners Union No. 19, W. F. M., its members and other miners of said district, on the one part, and J. J. Hagerman and David H. Moffatt for themselves as mine owners and employers of mining labor in said district, on the other part, as follows.

"1. That eight hours actual work shall constitute 'a day', divided as follows: Pour hours of continuous work, then 20 minutes for lunch, then four hours of continuous work; for which said eight hours of labor there shall be paid three dollars ($3.00).

"2. In the employment of men there shall be no discrimination against union men or against non-union men.5

"3. The undersigned, J. J. Hagerman and J>. H. Moffatt, earnestly urge upon other mine owners and employers of mining labor, in said Cripple Creek District, to accede to and act upon the foregoing agreement. "Signed,

"Davis H. Waite,
"J. J. Hagerman,
"David H. Moffat."


1That his fears were not groundless was shown by the fact that an old German stood close to the president while he was speaking, and occasionally rubbing the muzzle of his Winchester against him, would pat it affectionately, and remark: "Dat's good for twenty-five deputies." The man was known by Mr. Calderwood to be one of the worst characters in the union. He was afterward hanged for killing a man in a saloon fight.

2Account by President W. F. Slocum of Colorado College, who was present during the entire conference.

3At this time the miners in many of the camps of the state were organizing armed companies to go to the aid of the miners at Cripple Creek. At Rico, a company of 100, under the command of William Simpson, seized a train on the Rio Grande Ry., and got nearly 100 miles on their way. The governor, hearing of the movement, sent a telegram to them at Montrose commanding that they return home, and promising to give the striking men protection. The command was obeyed.

4Copy given to newspapers and published by all papers of Denver and Colorado Springs, June 5, 1894.

5Men who had been prominent in the strike were never able to obtain work in the mines again, and several of the mines absolutely refused to employ union men.

NEXT: The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies