CONTENTS

Preface

PART I — THE STRIKE OF 1894

CHAPTER I — PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
Introduction

Cripple Creek — Location, geology, settlement — General economic conditions in 1894 — Conditions in Colorado and Cripple Creek in 1894

Indirect Causes Of The Strike

Uncertain business conditions — Irregularities in employment of labor

Events Leading Up To The Strike

CHAPTER II - THE TWO CRISES
The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise — The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 — The strike Feb. 7th — John Calderwood — Preparation by the unions — The injunction of March 14th — Capture of the deputies — Sheriff Bowers calls for militia — Beginning of friction between state and county — Conference between the generals and union officers — Recall of the militia — Compromise at the Independence

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element — The coup of Wm. Rabedeau — The demands and terms of the owners — Formation of the deputy army — "General" Johnson — Preparation of the miners for resistance — First detachment of deputy army — The blowing up of the Strong mine — The miners attack the deputies — Excitement in Colorado Springs — Rapid increase of deputy army — The governor's proclamation

CHAPTER III — THE FORCING OF THE ISSUE
Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs — The non-partisan committee — The miners propose terms of peace — Failure of the arbitration committee plan — Exchange of prisoners — The mission of Governor Waite — Miners give governor full power to act — The conference at Colorado College — Attempt to lynch Calderwood — The final conference in Denver — Articles of agreement

Militia vs. Deputies

The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek — Attempts upon life of sheriff — Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs — The attack upon General Tarsney — Arrests and trials of the strikers

CHAPTER IV-DISCUSSIONS
Peculiarities Of The Strike

The union allows men to work — Exchange of prisoners — Unusual influence of state authority

Arguments Of The Various Parties

The position of the mine owners — The position of the miners — The position of the governor

The Baleful Influence Of Politics

PART II—THE STRIKE OF 1903—1904

CHAPTER I—THE INTERVENING PERIOD
General Development

Increase in population and wealth — Industrial advance — Removal of frontier conditions — Entire dependence upon mining — The working force

The Background For The Strike

Divisioning of El Paso county — Growth of unions in political power — Western Federation becomes socialistic

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

Unions misuse power — Treatment of non-union men — Minority rule — The strike power delegated

CHAPTER II—THE COLORADO CITY STRIKE
The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City — The governor visits Colorado City — Conference at Denver — Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills — Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill — The strike called — Advisory board — Its sessions — Further conferences — Settlement by verbal agreement

CHAPTER III — THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE
The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement — Appeal of the union — Statements submitted by both sides — Decision of advisory board — Second strike at Colorado City — Strike at Cripple Creek

The First Period Of The Strike

Events of the first three weeks — Disorderly acts on September 1st — Release of Minster — Mine owners demand troops

The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners — The special commission — Troops called out — Militia arrest union officers — Other arrests — General partisan activity of the troops

Civil, vs. Military Authority

Habeas corpus proceedings — Militia guard court house — Judge Seeds' decision — The militia defy the court — Prisoners released — Rapid opening of the mines — Strike breakers

CHAPTER IV-TELLER COUNTY UNDER MILITARY RULE
Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R. R. trains — McKinney and Foster arrested — McKinney makes conflicting confessions — Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster — Digest of evidence — Release of McKinney — The Vindicator explosion — Evidence in case

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation — The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers — Local police deposed — Censorship of Victor Record — Registering of arms — Idle men declared vagrants — More general arrests of union officers — Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole — Rowdyism by certain militiamen — Mine owners' statement — Federation flag posters — Withdrawal of troops

CHAPTER V—THE FINAL CRISIS
The Slxth Day Of June

Independence station explosion — Wrath of the community — Sheriff forced to resign — Bodies taken from undertaker — Mass meeting at Victor — The Victor riot — Militia capture miners'' union hall — Wholesale arrests of union men — Riot in Cripple Creek — Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and Citizens Alliance — The federation to be broken up

The Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule — Plant of Victor Record wrecked — Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials — The military commission — Deportations — Militia close the Portland mine — Aid to families forbidden — District entirely non-union — Withdrawal of troops

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations — The Interstate Mercantile Company — Second wrecking of the stores — The November elections — The expense of the strike — Summary

CHAPTER VI—DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Western Federation Of Miners. Its Side Of The Case

History of the federation — Its socialistic tendencies — Sympathetic statement of its position

The Mine Owners' Association. Its Side Of The Case

History of the organization — The card system — Sympathetic view of its position

The Citizens Alliances. Their Side Of The Case

History of the alliances — Sympathetic view of their position

The State Authorities

Statement by Governor Peabody

The Responsibility And Blame — The Western Federation Of Miners

Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike

Mine Owners' Association

Criminal guards — Mob violence

The State Authorities

Use of troops — Perversion of authority

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The "Red Book" — The "Green Book."

Comparison Of The Two Strikes

The first natural, the second artificial — Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development — Contrasts in the use of state authority — Civil and military authority — Politics — Minority rule

Significance Of The Labor History

Bibliography

The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District;
A Study in Industrial Evolution
by Benjamin McKie Rastall

book image

pages 65-69

The Background For The Strike

In the interval from 1894 to 1903 there 'were no labor difficulties. The best of feeling prevailed between employer and employed, and a more prosperous, contented, industrial district would have been hard to find. Certain events took place, however, which had a most vital influence upon the second strike, and effected powerfully the course of events. These were the partitioning of El Paso County; the espousal of socialism by the Western Federation of Miners; and the growth of the unions in political power.

Colorado National Guard escorting prisoners to the "bull pen"

STRIKING MINERS AT THE BULL PEN, GUARDED BY MILITIA

In 1893 El Paso County, with Colorado Springs as its county seat, included the Cripple Creek mining area. This was not satisfactory to the citizens of the area, and in 1899 they succeeded in securing a separate county government. The new county of Teller was formed, including the mining area, and some adjacent territory.7 The result of the division was entirely to change the political situation relative to the strike. In 1893 the control of the county rested in Colorado Springs, and therefore as a political unit the county was not in sympathy with the mining towns. The difficulty developed between the county authorities and the miners, with the state exercising simply the balance of power.8 In 1903 the mining cities had their own county. The same political forces that controlled the towns controlled the county, and the district presented a solid front which only state authority could oppose or control. In this condition, coupled with the control of the county and state by strongly opposed political forces, can be found much of the explanation of the free use of state power.

But the division of El Paso County had a still more important result in giving the unions the opportunity for a considerable political control. At the time the various towns of the district were formed the population was composed largely of miners, and they naturally constituted the force that elected most of the local officers. The unions from their very inception followed a policy of political activity, and the strike of 1893 found the government of such newly formed towns as Altman entirely in their hands. With the formation of Teller County independent political action was decided upon, and a Miners' ticket was in the field at the next election. Defeated, the miners turned to ally themselves with the Democratic party. There was no formal action, but a quiet readjustment of forces that was even more effective. At every election the Democratic party triumphed; members of the Federation and friends of the Federation went into office, and it was generally conceded that no man who was unfriendly to the unions could hope for election.9 By 1903 a large number of the local and county officers were members of the Western Federation of Miners, and nearly all were in entire sympathy with the unions.10 This was especially true of the police officers, a large majority of whom were Federation men. The unions were thoroughly in power. Here is a striking example of the power of a unified minority working among the forces of a scattered majority. In it is the groundwork for the bitter controversy between the county and the state, and the key to the explanation of many of the political features of the strike.

The Western Federation of Miners in 1902 announced a propoganda [sic] of socialism. President Boyce upon his retirement from office in that year made a speech strongly urging Socialism upon Federation members.

The conventions of 1902, 1903, 1904, and 1905 passed resolutions endorsing the tenets of Socialism, and recommending independent political action upon the part of labor organizations. The utterances of the official organ of the Federation, The Miners Magazine, are strongly Socialistic in their tone, as are many of the speeches of the union leaders. President Moyer in his formal annual report for 1903 said:

''After fully considering the conditions surrounding us at this time, I believe that the most important action which you can take during this convention will be to reaffirm the policy adopted by the tenth annual convention. Do this and you will have accomplished that which will redound to your credit and insure such prosperity for your organization as will not only commend you to those you represent, but to the great army of toilers throughout the entire world, who are anxiously awaiting the message that the Western Federation of Miners will not pause in the determined effort to bring about such a change in our social and economic conditions as will result in a complete revolution of the present system of industrial slavery. * * * *

"John Mitchell need not be surprised should his membership turn their faces to the West, seeking affiliation with organizations which have sent out their message to the world, that as labor produces all wealth, such wealth belongs to the producer thereof. That their mission is not to tighten the bonds which surround the toiler, but the emancipation of wage slavery and the equality of man. ********

''I sincerely trust that you will leave nothing undone to educate the members of this organization, not only along the lines of trades unionism, but to a realization of their power to bring about a condition under which every individual who labors shall be entitled to that which his labor produces."11

And again in 1905:

"How much longer are we going to acknowledge our ignorance? How much longer shall we permit our corporate and political masters to assume the privilege to do the thinking for the producing class? Knowing the power that we still possess through the ballot, if we shall continue to be wage and political slaves, struggling to better our condition through simple trades unionism, then we are entitled to no consideration, and the time is not far distant when, unless the working men and women of this country awaken to their strength and power and while they still have the right of franchise, destroy forever a system which makes millionaires and paupers, then they will be helpless indeed.

*****

''Supplication by the people of Russia at the feet of their Czar was met by the fire of musketry of his soldiers. Pleading of American labor at the throne of capitalism is answered with the injunction, the blacklist and the military bullpen. I appeal to you, fellow workers, to arouse yourselves and while you still have the opportunity, take control of the weapons which are being used to deprive you of your citizenship, and bear in mind that you have czars in this boasted land of the free that would be less merciful than he of Russia."12

Upon the title page of The Miners Magazine appears every month the slogan:

"Labor produces all wealth, wealth belongs to the producer thereof.''

It should be said that the annual conventions refused to pass resolutions of extremely Socialistic nature, always simply endorsing the general tenets of Socialism; demanding further economic education, and advising the class-conscious use of the ballot to right "labor's wrongs."13 But couple the extreme utterances of the radicals, with the general misapprehension of Socialism as something essentially connected with revolution and anarchy, and the effect upon the extreme conservative party of the state, represented by Governor Peabody, himself a banker, can well be imagined. The party which stood for the gold standard when Bryan as the champion of silver swept the state, and which represented the large business and corporate interests of the commonwealth, would have little tolerance for such "heresies," and would lose no opportunity to root them out.

7The county of Teller has had a most successful history. In 1901 it completed a substantial jail, in 1902 a county hospital, and in 1905 a splendid county court house and administration building. The expense was met without indebtedness, and in spite of the costliness of the turbulent times of 1903 and 1904 the county is still without a debt.

8See Part I, pp. 40, 45-48, 56.

9The alignment of the political parties at the various elections was as follows :

1899. Democratic, Republican and Silver Republican, Populist and Co-operative (the union ticket).

1900. Democratic, Populist and Silver Republican, Republican.

1901. Democratic, Republican, Socialist.

1902. Democratic, Republican, Socialist, Populist.

The strength of the labor vote was shown In the election of 1903, after the opening of the strike, when the unions again ran separately, electing their candidate for assessor. The vote was:

Assessor. Coroner.

Independent Labor 2,227 (no candidate)

Republican 1,933 2,382

Democratic 1,055 2,980

Socialist 175 430

10The city of Victor can be taken as a fair example of the district as a whole. The miners' union members who held offices here were as follows:

Alderman J. Murphy.

Alderman James J. Tobin.

Alderman Hugh Healy.

Day Marshal M. J. O'Connell.

Night Marshal Mike Lamb.

Most of the policemen.

Jailer James Printy.

Fire Chief James Printy, Jr.

Street Commissioner Simon O'Rourke.

11Official Proceedings, W. F. M. A., June, 1903, p. 22.

12Ibid., 1905, pp. 23 and 24.

13The resolution of the June, 1905, convention was as follows :
"No. U.S.
"To the Thirteenth Annual Convention of the Western Federation of Miners :

"We, your Committee on Resolutions, hereby submit the following resolution :

"Whereas, Economic evolution and the oppression of the capitalist class through Its ownership of the means of production and exchange have forced on the workers the consciousness of the necessity of the abolition of craft divisions on the industrial field and their alignment as members of one general economic organization, based on the class struggle, as a more effective method of resisting the encroachment of the capitalist class; and,

"Whereas, We believe that action on the economic field alone will not solve the problem of industrial emancipation unless accompanied by class-conscious, independent political action at the ballot box, by which we can capture the powers of government and establish an administration of the working class instead of the present capitalist system of society; and,

"Whereas, As an intellectual revolution must first take place in the minds of the workers before they can intelligently take over and administer the industries and powers of government in the interests of their class; therefore, be it

"Resolved, That the Thirteenth Annual Convention of the Western Federation of Miners does hereby re-affirm and endorse the resolutions of the Tenth, Eleventh and Twelfth Annual Conventions, recommending independent working-class political action; and, be it further

"Resolved, That we recommend to all workers the study of economics, that it may lead to an intelligent conception of the class struggle, of their interests as the wealth-producing class of the world, and of the proper civic expression of these convictions at the ballot box, thus insuring a peaceful transition from the present capitalist mode of production and exchange, and its consequent degradation and misery, to the co-operative commonwealth."

Official Proceedings, Eleventh Annual Convention, W. F. M. A., 1905, pp. 343 and 344.

They refused to pass the following:

"No. 92.

"To the Officers and Delegates of the Thirteenth Annual Convention, Western Federation of Miners: "I hereby submit the following resolution for your consideration: "Whereas, The organization known as the Western Federation of Miners has in previous conventions declared themselves in favor of the Socialist Party, and in as much as this convention declared themselves in favor of industrial unionism, which is socialism with its working clothes on ; therefore, be it

"Resolved, That the name of the organization be changed from the Western Federation of Miners to the Western Federation of Socialists, and as the Socialists at this convention claim that those who do not believe in their principles are a burden to the organization; therefore, be it

"Resolved, With all due respect to the members of the organization, that those local unions who do not believe in the socialistic principle be requested to withdraw from this organization." p. 304.


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