CONTENTS

Preface

PART I — THE STRIKE OF 1894

CHAPTER I — PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
Introduction

Cripple Creek — Location, geology, settlement — General economic conditions in 1894 — Conditions in Colorado and Cripple Creek in 1894

Indirect Causes Of The Strike

Uncertain business conditions — Irregularities in employment of labor

Events Leading Up To The Strike

CHAPTER II - THE TWO CRISES
The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise — The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 — The strike Feb. 7th — John Calderwood — Preparation by the unions — The injunction of March 14th — Capture of the deputies — Sheriff Bowers calls for militia — Beginning of friction between state and county — Conference between the generals and union officers — Recall of the militia — Compromise at the Independence

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element — The coup of Wm. Rabedeau — The demands and terms of the owners — Formation of the deputy army — "General" Johnson — Preparation of the miners for resistance — First detachment of deputy army — The blowing up of the Strong mine — The miners attack the deputies — Excitement in Colorado Springs — Rapid increase of deputy army — The governor's proclamation

CHAPTER III — THE FORCING OF THE ISSUE
Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs — The non-partisan committee — The miners propose terms of peace — Failure of the arbitration committee plan — Exchange of prisoners — The mission of Governor Waite — Miners give governor full power to act — The conference at Colorado College — Attempt to lynch Calderwood — The final conference in Denver — Articles of agreement

Militia vs. Deputies

The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek — Attempts upon life of sheriff — Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs — The attack upon General Tarsney — Arrests and trials of the strikers

CHAPTER IV-DISCUSSIONS
Peculiarities Of The Strike

The union allows men to work — Exchange of prisoners — Unusual influence of state authority

Arguments Of The Various Parties

The position of the mine owners — The position of the miners — The position of the governor

The Baleful Influence Of Politics

PART II—THE STRIKE OF 1903—1904

CHAPTER I—THE INTERVENING PERIOD
General Development

Increase in population and wealth — Industrial advance — Removal of frontier conditions — Entire dependence upon mining — The working force

The Background For The Strike

Divisioning of El Paso county — Growth of unions in political power — Western Federation becomes socialistic

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

Unions misuse power — Treatment of non-union men — Minority rule — The strike power delegated

CHAPTER II—THE COLORADO CITY STRIKE
The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City — The governor visits Colorado City — Conference at Denver — Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills — Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill — The strike called — Advisory board — Its sessions — Further conferences — Settlement by verbal agreement

CHAPTER III — THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE
The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement — Appeal of the union — Statements submitted by both sides — Decision of advisory board — Second strike at Colorado City — Strike at Cripple Creek

The First Period Of The Strike

Events of the first three weeks — Disorderly acts on September 1st — Release of Minster — Mine owners demand troops

The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners — The special commission — Troops called out — Militia arrest union officers — Other arrests — General partisan activity of the troops

Civil, vs. Military Authority

Habeas corpus proceedings — Militia guard court house — Judge Seeds' decision — The militia defy the court — Prisoners released — Rapid opening of the mines — Strike breakers

CHAPTER IV-TELLER COUNTY UNDER MILITARY RULE
Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R. R. trains — McKinney and Foster arrested — McKinney makes conflicting confessions — Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster — Digest of evidence — Release of McKinney — The Vindicator explosion — Evidence in case

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation — The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers — Local police deposed — Censorship of Victor Record — Registering of arms — Idle men declared vagrants — More general arrests of union officers — Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole — Rowdyism by certain militiamen — Mine owners' statement — Federation flag posters — Withdrawal of troops

CHAPTER V—THE FINAL CRISIS
The Slxth Day Of June

Independence station explosion — Wrath of the community — Sheriff forced to resign — Bodies taken from undertaker — Mass meeting at Victor — The Victor riot — Militia capture miners'' union hall — Wholesale arrests of union men — Riot in Cripple Creek — Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and Citizens Alliance — The federation to be broken up

The Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule — Plant of Victor Record wrecked — Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials — The military commission — Deportations — Militia close the Portland mine — Aid to families forbidden — District entirely non-union — Withdrawal of troops

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations — The Interstate Mercantile Company — Second wrecking of the stores — The November elections — The expense of the strike — Summary

CHAPTER VI—DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Western Federation Of Miners. Its Side Of The Case

History of the federation — Its socialistic tendencies — Sympathetic statement of its position

The Mine Owners' Association. Its Side Of The Case

History of the organization — The card system — Sympathetic view of its position

The Citizens Alliances. Their Side Of The Case

History of the alliances — Sympathetic view of their position

The State Authorities

Statement by Governor Peabody

The Responsibility And Blame — The Western Federation Of Miners

Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike

Mine Owners' Association

Criminal guards — Mob violence

The State Authorities

Use of troops — Perversion of authority

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The "Red Book" — The "Green Book."

Comparison Of The Two Strikes

The first natural, the second artificial — Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development — Contrasts in the use of state authority — Civil and military authority — Politics — Minority rule

Significance Of The Labor History

Bibliography

The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District;
A Study in Industrial Evolution
by Benjamin McKie Rastall

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pages 160-162

Comparison Of The Strikes

The two Cripple Creek strikes permit some instructive comparisons. The first strike was entirely natural in its origin, the result of self-existing and compelling economic circumstances, a great economic depression, a large surplus of labor, great differences in a single occupation and small field, as to hours and wages of labor. The second strike was as artificial in its origin as the first was natural, the result of a forced labor movement and of the manipulations of labor leaders. The first strike worked itself out among frontier conditions, and illustrates remarkably the labor movement in its infancy in newly settled regions. The second strike occurred among the conditions of a most thoroughly developed industrial community, and shows extreme types of organization and collective action. Many of the contrasts between the strikes are those of entirely different social stages. The result of the first strike was a definite, settled, industrial condition, the result of the second the entire elimination of the power of one organized factor.

The use of state authority had a very close and vital connection with both strikes, and with suggestively contrasted results. The conditions of the first strike were generally favorable to the mine owners, and it seemed practically impossible for the miners to win the fight. But the power of the state was interposed in their favor and they won. In the second strike the conditions were decidedly favorable to the miners. They were strongly intrenched in power, thoroughly organized, and had a large financial backing. But the power of the state was exerted in favor of the mine owners and they won. In both strikes the state held the balance of power, and the sympathetic use of its authority reversed the expected result, in the first case in favor of one side, and in the second in favor of the other. There is a suggestion here of a probable lack of appreciation of the strength of the state as a factor in past labor history, and of its possible importance in the future.

Both the Cripple Creek strikes point clearly to the fact that the ever-recurring dispute between civil and military authorities when both are being actively exercised in the same area, has yet to be settled. It may not be out of place here to throw out a suggestion that the federal government might well carry the nationalization of the state militia a step further, and arrange that whenever called into active service for more than a very brief time it shall be placed under the command of a regular army officer. State military authorities are of political appointment, and likely to be of small military experience or knowledge. It is not to be expected but that such men should incline to over-importance when called into sudden authority, should think little of overriding the civil authorities, and should use their power in full consciousness of political exigencies, or that when they are called to a community violently opposed to them in politics a storm of protest should be raised. The United States army officer is a man of training and legal knowledge, versed in the quiet exercise of authority, and used to his power. He would at least be free from the blinding effect of local political interests, and his authority would tend to be more judiciously used, more unquestionably accepted and more thoroughly respected by both sides.

No especial discussion need be given of the part played by politics in the Cripple Creek strikes. Every phase of the conflicts had its political as well as industrial aspects. So completely was the political element involved that the whole narrative can be read with reference to its political disclosures, and the significance of the struggle is as deep politically as industrially.

There is a lesson to labor unions, though not of an unusual sort, in the second strike, in the danger from loss of democracy and minority rule. The hope of unionism lies in its self control. Intelligent interest upon the part of the great mass of the membership, and the retention of local ballot control, are essential to safety, and the danger to labor from a powerful body superior to its control is as great when that body represents its own organization as when it represents the ever-decried ranks of capitalism. When the union miners of the Cripple Creek District allowed their active interest to flag, and permitted minority control, which in turn delegated its power to a radical committee, they invited almost certain downfall.

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