CONTENTS

Preface

PART I — THE STRIKE OF 1894

CHAPTER I — PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
Introduction

Cripple Creek — Location, geology, settlement — General economic conditions in 1894 — Conditions in Colorado and Cripple Creek in 1894

Indirect Causes Of The Strike

Uncertain business conditions — Irregularities in employment of labor

Events Leading Up To The Strike

CHAPTER II - THE TWO CRISES
The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise — The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 — The strike Feb. 7th — John Calderwood — Preparation by the unions — The injunction of March 14th — Capture of the deputies — Sheriff Bowers calls for militia — Beginning of friction between state and county — Conference between the generals and union officers — Recall of the militia — Compromise at the Independence

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element — The coup of Wm. Rabedeau — The demands and terms of the owners — Formation of the deputy army — "General" Johnson — Preparation of the miners for resistance — First detachment of deputy army — The blowing up of the Strong mine — The miners attack the deputies — Excitement in Colorado Springs — Rapid increase of deputy army — The governor's proclamation

CHAPTER III — THE FORCING OF THE ISSUE
Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs — The non-partisan committee — The miners propose terms of peace — Failure of the arbitration committee plan — Exchange of prisoners — The mission of Governor Waite — Miners give governor full power to act — The conference at Colorado College — Attempt to lynch Calderwood — The final conference in Denver — Articles of agreement

Militia vs. Deputies

The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek — Attempts upon life of sheriff — Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs — The attack upon General Tarsney — Arrests and trials of the strikers

CHAPTER IV-DISCUSSIONS
Peculiarities Of The Strike

The union allows men to work — Exchange of prisoners — Unusual influence of state authority

Arguments Of The Various Parties

The position of the mine owners — The position of the miners — The position of the governor

The Baleful Influence Of Politics

PART II—THE STRIKE OF 1903—1904

CHAPTER I—THE INTERVENING PERIOD
General Development

Increase in population and wealth — Industrial advance — Removal of frontier conditions — Entire dependence upon mining — The working force

The Background For The Strike

Divisioning of El Paso county — Growth of unions in political power — Western Federation becomes socialistic

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

Unions misuse power — Treatment of non-union men — Minority rule — The strike power delegated

CHAPTER II—THE COLORADO CITY STRIKE
The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City — The governor visits Colorado City — Conference at Denver — Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills — Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill — The strike called — Advisory board — Its sessions — Further conferences — Settlement by verbal agreement

CHAPTER III — THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE
The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement — Appeal of the union — Statements submitted by both sides — Decision of advisory board — Second strike at Colorado City — Strike at Cripple Creek

The First Period Of The Strike

Events of the first three weeks — Disorderly acts on September 1st — Release of Minster — Mine owners demand troops

The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners — The special commission — Troops called out — Militia arrest union officers — Other arrests — General partisan activity of the troops

Civil, vs. Military Authority

Habeas corpus proceedings — Militia guard court house — Judge Seeds' decision — The militia defy the court — Prisoners released — Rapid opening of the mines — Strike breakers

CHAPTER IV-TELLER COUNTY UNDER MILITARY RULE
Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R. R. trains — McKinney and Foster arrested — McKinney makes conflicting confessions — Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster — Digest of evidence — Release of McKinney — The Vindicator explosion — Evidence in case

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation — The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers — Local police deposed — Censorship of Victor Record — Registering of arms — Idle men declared vagrants — More general arrests of union officers — Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole — Rowdyism by certain militiamen — Mine owners' statement — Federation flag posters — Withdrawal of troops

CHAPTER V—THE FINAL CRISIS
The Slxth Day Of June

Independence station explosion — Wrath of the community — Sheriff forced to resign — Bodies taken from undertaker — Mass meeting at Victor — The Victor riot — Militia capture miners'' union hall — Wholesale arrests of union men — Riot in Cripple Creek — Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and Citizens Alliance — The federation to be broken up

The Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule — Plant of Victor Record wrecked — Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials — The military commission — Deportations — Militia close the Portland mine — Aid to families forbidden — District entirely non-union — Withdrawal of troops

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations — The Interstate Mercantile Company — Second wrecking of the stores — The November elections — The expense of the strike — Summary

CHAPTER VI—DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Western Federation Of Miners. Its Side Of The Case

History of the federation — Its socialistic tendencies — Sympathetic statement of its position

The Mine Owners' Association. Its Side Of The Case

History of the organization — The card system — Sympathetic view of its position

The Citizens Alliances. Their Side Of The Case

History of the alliances — Sympathetic view of their position

The State Authorities

Statement by Governor Peabody

The Responsibility And Blame — The Western Federation Of Miners

Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike

Mine Owners' Association

Criminal guards — Mob violence

The State Authorities

Use of troops — Perversion of authority

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The "Red Book" — The "Green Book."

Comparison Of The Two Strikes

The first natural, the second artificial — Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development — Contrasts in the use of state authority — Civil and military authority — Politics — Minority rule

Significance Of The Labor History

Bibliography

The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District;
A Study in Industrial Evolution
by Benjamin McKie Rastall

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pages 70-72

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

The unions were for some time in a position of very great power which they were not careful to wield either with justice or consideration. The most extreme case of this condition was to be found in the courts. It became almost impossible to convict a union man of any offense. The judges conducted trials with absolute impartiality, and the public attorneys prosecuted with vigor, but juries could not be secured that would bring in verdicts of guilty. The defense of a union man might consist almost entirely in showing his union record, and man after man of whose guilt there was the strongest evidence went scot free.14

The movement to bring non-union men into the unions was always strong, and at times became violent. On August 6th, 1901 the following notice was posted at many of the mines:

"Take notice, that on and after September 15, 1901, anyone Working in and around the mines, mills, or power plants of the Cripple Creek District, who cannot show a card of membership in good standing in some local union of the Western Federation of Miners, will be considered a scab and an enemy to us, himself, and the community at large, and will be treated as such. By order of the Cripple Creek Executive Board of the Western Federation of Miners.

"John Curry, President."

This was followed on September 9th by the following:
"You have no doubt read and thought about our circular which was posted pretty thoroughly throughout this district about five weeks ago. This notice is issued for the purpose of reminding you that the 15th of September is near at hand; that the time of grace has about expired. You have had two pay days in which to decide whether you are for us or against us—there is no middle ground. While a majority of the men working in and around the mines, mills, and power plants have responded to the call, there are still some outside our ranks. To these this notice is addressed. If you are working in or around the mines, mills, or power plants of this district, THIS MEANS YOU. Now, don't throw this to one side and say, 'Only another bluff.' If you are 'from Missouri' come into some of the unions of the Western Federation of Miners and we'll 'show' you that we are trying to help you as well as ourselves, and as the 15th is only about six days away, 'YOU'LL HAVE TO HURRY'

"The Cripple Creek District Executive Board of the Western Federation of Miners.

"By John Curry, President."

Other notices of like tenor were posted at various times. There were threats and intimidations, and some actual violence. Occasionally men were frightened or driven from the district.15 It must not be supposed, however, that the conditions were such that life in the camp became generally untenable for non-union men. In many of the mines union and non-union men worked side by side, and an occasional mine worked with non-union men entirely.

During this time also the unions gradually developed a dangerous condition of minority rule. The large conservative membership began to remain away from the business meetings, and to take small interest in the routine of the conduct of affairs. The radicals came into undue power, and moderate men were at times hissed from their feet when they attempted to speak. It came about that extremists were elected to office,16 men entirely unfit for such positions, who did not at all represent the better class of the membership. By the constitution of the Federation a strike could be called only by a three-fourths vote of the membership of every union concerned.17 Hardly had the difficulty loomed upon the horizon however, when the unions voted the power entirely into the hands of the District Council, a general committee of thirteen composed mostly of officers of the local unions.18 The meetings which took this action were not largely attended. Many of the men did not know that they had lost the referendum, and more of them regretted it when it was too late.

* * * * *

Thus there came the formation of a Little Mining Monarchy, shut off from the rest of the world by a high mountain range, strongly differentiated by its great altitude and arid climate, without agriculture or manufactures, its industrial life centered in mining: with its own separate political organization, the power in the hands of the miners, the unions controlled by a minority, the strike power in the hands of a clique. The powder train lies ready for the spark.

14Judges of the district, men who have maintained a most praiseworthy attitude of fairness and impartiality through all the bitterness and party strife of the strike, recount case after case such as the above.

15In July, 1903, five Austrians arrived in Victor from Butte, Montana. They were taken for Italians, and were escorted from the city by several union miners under the plea of finding them work on the railroad. Arriving at Hollywood they were told to keep on going and not come back, and after they had gone some distance a volley of revolver shots was fired into the air.

16An extreme case is that of C. G. Kennison, President of the Cripple Creek Union, and an influential member of the District Council. Men who knew Kennison well, and whose sympathies were decidedly with the unions, speak of him as "a rabid, crazy fool, devoid of understanding and common sense."

17Article 5. Section 1. It shall be unlawful for any union to enter upon a strike unless ordered by three-fourths of its resident members in good standing voting. Such questions shall be decided by a secret ballot at a special meeting called for the purpose, after having received the approval of the executive board of the Western Federation of Miners. * * *

18This was of course unconstitutional, and had they seen that fact the miners might later have made use of it.

NEXT: Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia