CONTENTS

Preface

PART I — THE STRIKE OF 1894

CHAPTER I — PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
Introduction

Cripple Creek — Location, geology, settlement — General economic conditions in 1894 — Conditions in Colorado and Cripple Creek in 1894

Indirect Causes Of The Strike

Uncertain business conditions — Irregularities in employment of labor

Events Leading Up To The Strike

CHAPTER II - THE TWO CRISES
The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise — The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 — The strike Feb. 7th — John Calderwood — Preparation by the unions — The injunction of March 14th — Capture of the deputies — Sheriff Bowers calls for militia — Beginning of friction between state and county — Conference between the generals and union officers — Recall of the militia — Compromise at the Independence

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element — The coup of Wm. Rabedeau — The demands and terms of the owners — Formation of the deputy army — "General" Johnson — Preparation of the miners for resistance — First detachment of deputy army — The blowing up of the Strong mine — The miners attack the deputies — Excitement in Colorado Springs — Rapid increase of deputy army — The governor's proclamation

CHAPTER III — THE FORCING OF THE ISSUE
Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs — The non-partisan committee — The miners propose terms of peace — Failure of the arbitration committee plan — Exchange of prisoners — The mission of Governor Waite — Miners give governor full power to act — The conference at Colorado College — Attempt to lynch Calderwood — The final conference in Denver — Articles of agreement

Militia vs. Deputies

The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek — Attempts upon life of sheriff — Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs — The attack upon General Tarsney — Arrests and trials of the strikers

CHAPTER IV-DISCUSSIONS
Peculiarities Of The Strike

The union allows men to work — Exchange of prisoners — Unusual influence of state authority

Arguments Of The Various Parties

The position of the mine owners — The position of the miners — The position of the governor

The Baleful Influence Of Politics

PART II—THE STRIKE OF 1903—1904

CHAPTER I—THE INTERVENING PERIOD
General Development

Increase in population and wealth — Industrial advance — Removal of frontier conditions — Entire dependence upon mining — The working force

The Background For The Strike

Divisioning of El Paso county — Growth of unions in political power — Western Federation becomes socialistic

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

Unions misuse power — Treatment of non-union men — Minority rule — The strike power delegated

CHAPTER II—THE COLORADO CITY STRIKE
The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City — The governor visits Colorado City — Conference at Denver — Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills — Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill — The strike called — Advisory board — Its sessions — Further conferences — Settlement by verbal agreement

CHAPTER III — THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE
The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement — Appeal of the union — Statements submitted by both sides — Decision of advisory board — Second strike at Colorado City — Strike at Cripple Creek

The First Period Of The Strike

Events of the first three weeks — Disorderly acts on September 1st — Release of Minster — Mine owners demand troops

The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners — The special commission — Troops called out — Militia arrest union officers — Other arrests — General partisan activity of the troops

Civil, vs. Military Authority

Habeas corpus proceedings — Militia guard court house — Judge Seeds' decision — The militia defy the court — Prisoners released — Rapid opening of the mines — Strike breakers

CHAPTER IV-TELLER COUNTY UNDER MILITARY RULE
Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R. R. trains — McKinney and Foster arrested — McKinney makes conflicting confessions — Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster — Digest of evidence — Release of McKinney — The Vindicator explosion — Evidence in case

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation — The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers — Local police deposed — Censorship of Victor Record — Registering of arms — Idle men declared vagrants — More general arrests of union officers — Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole — Rowdyism by certain militiamen — Mine owners' statement — Federation flag posters — Withdrawal of troops

CHAPTER V—THE FINAL CRISIS
The Slxth Day Of June

Independence station explosion — Wrath of the community — Sheriff forced to resign — Bodies taken from undertaker — Mass meeting at Victor — The Victor riot — Militia capture miners'' union hall — Wholesale arrests of union men — Riot in Cripple Creek — Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and Citizens Alliance — The federation to be broken up

The Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule — Plant of Victor Record wrecked — Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials — The military commission — Deportations — Militia close the Portland mine — Aid to families forbidden — District entirely non-union — Withdrawal of troops

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations — The Interstate Mercantile Company — Second wrecking of the stores — The November elections — The expense of the strike — Summary

CHAPTER VI—DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Western Federation Of Miners. Its Side Of The Case

History of the federation — Its socialistic tendencies — Sympathetic statement of its position

The Mine Owners' Association. Its Side Of The Case

History of the organization — The card system — Sympathetic view of its position

The Citizens Alliances. Their Side Of The Case

History of the alliances — Sympathetic view of their position

The State Authorities

Statement by Governor Peabody

The Responsibility And Blame — The Western Federation Of Miners

Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike

Mine Owners' Association

Criminal guards — Mob violence

The State Authorities

Use of troops — Perversion of authority

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The "Red Book" — The "Green Book."

Comparison Of The Two Strikes

The first natural, the second artificial — Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development — Contrasts in the use of state authority — Civil and military authority — Politics — Minority rule

Significance Of The Labor History

Bibliography

The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District;
A Study in Industrial Evolution
by Benjamin McKie Rastall

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pages 141-143

The Mine Owners' Association—Its Side Of The Case

Most of the principal mine owners of the Cripple Creek District acted in concert during the strike of 1894, and came to be spoken of collectively as the Mine Owners' Association. While there was no formal organization, the name persisted during the period between the two strikes. At the opening of the difficulties of 1903-4 the mine owners continued to act collectively. On August 13, 1903, a statement was issued over the signatures of thirty mine owners setting forth the generally satisfactory conditions preceding the strike, and declaring a policy of vigorous opposition to the Federation.13 Soon after, steps were taken to give the organization a permanent form. The Cripple Creek Mine Owners' and Operators' Association was formally organized. E. A. Colburn was elected president, W. H. Bainbridge treasurer, and C. C. Hamlin secretary.14 The association acted thereafter as a body through the regular channels of president, secretary, and treasurer.

On September 17th the following notice was posted:

"It is hereby given out that no member of any union, affiliated or connected with the Western Federation of Miners will be given employment on this property.

"By order of the Cripple Creek District Mine Owners' and Operators' Association."

The association thereafter announced its intention not only to refuse absolutely to treat in any way with the Western Federation of Miners, or employ its members, but to prevent if possible the employment of Federation men anywhere in the district. So far as the influence of the organization would reach, mines and mills operating at the time were compelled to discharge all union workmen.15

March 10, 1904, after the first period of military rule, the association went a step further, and announced its intention "to drive the disturbing and dangerous element of the Western Federation of Miners from the district and from the state if possible."16 This was followed by the adoption of the card system, which effectually blacklisted members of the Federation. All applicants for work were furnished with a blank form for the answering of a number of questions, the last four of which were as follows:

"Are you a member of the Western Federation of Miners?

''Have you ever been a member of the Western Federation of Miners ?

"If so, when did you sever your connection with that organization?

"Do you belong to any labor organization, and if so, what?"

These questions satisfactorily answered, the secretary of the association issued the applicant a card, which was surrendered and returned to the secretary upon securing employment. When a new position was sought the card was re-issued. No work could be obtained without it, and a man could be dropped at any time by simply refusing to re-issue his card.

To the mine owners the Cripple Creek strike was simply an unwarranted, arbitrary, and unjust blow, struck at the instigation of a few officials while conditions were unusually satisfactory, and in spite of the actual opposition of the men concerned.17 Whatever may have been the status of the eight-hour day in Colorado City it was not involved at Cripple Creek, for the eight-hour day had been in force there for nine years. Whatever may have been the conditions at Colorado City the mine owners were not concerned. Only a few of the mines were shipping to the mill in question, and most of them were bound absolutely by contracts. It was unthinkable that they should be forced into being the club of the Western Federation for the compelling of anybody and everybody to the wishes of that organization.

The strike called, and no demands to which to accede, no grievances to settle, but one course was possible, to open the mines fearlessly, and run them in independence of the Federation. It was not to be supposed that in the future they would put themselves again under the power of such an organization, Federation men might look elsewhere for employment. When resort was had to threats and actual violence, and they were being prevented from opening the mines, it was no more than right that the state should furnish them protection, especially when the local government was so largely in the hands of their opponents, and no very active efforts were to be expected from them. The card system was to give them a record of their workmen, and to prevent the union miners from quietly getting back into power.

With the explosion and riots of June 6th, it became apparent that no permanent peace could be expected so long as the organization of the Western Federation remained in the county. Under the conditions it was almost impossible to ferret out criminals, and as the mines were successfully operating, and it was not proposed to have any further dealings with the Federation, the only thing left was to rid the community of it. This was a humane and just policy, for angry citizens were threatening general lynchings. Deportation was an act of necessity for the general welfare of the public.18

13Given in full, p. 92, f. n. 12.

14Accounts by officers.

15Labor Disturbances in Colorado, in Report of the United States Commissioner of Labor, p. 224. Also this work, p. 117, f. n. 23.

16Given in part on pp. 116 and 117.

17Digest from proclamations, and statements by officers.

18Ibid.

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